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Tuesday, November 21, 2006 - Page updated at 12:00 AM

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Guest columnist

Another war, another time

Special to The Times

WORKING on my autobiography and then watching the Nov. 7 election results, I was struck by the similarities in how U.S. presidents persist in a war course, despite rising evidence that the course is not working. Five hundred thousand American troops could not win in Vietnam and 500,000 allied troops are unlikely to bring peace to Iraq.

Some 30 years after the loss of the Vietnam War, we have diplomatic and trade relationships with our former enemy and a remarkably talented Vietnamese community here, whose members first came as refugees from that war.

Will the same occur in our relations with Iraq? Maybe, but not if we pursue the failed policies of yesterday.

Conflicts of the 21st century are not likely to be between major powers. The advent of democracy, growing trade relationships and universal communications make a major war distasteful and unlikely.

Terrorism is much more likely to be the threat of this century. Combating terrorism will require broad cooperation and shared intelligence among nations; a willingness of the developed world to share its wealth with the poorest of its citizens; and an American resolve to lead by example, not force.

History once again ought to be our guide, a reminder of how inexorably events can unravel. I excerpt here a recollection from my book-in-progress, dating to the National Governors Association annual meeting in 1965:

"The last event of the conference was a barbecue at Vice President Hubert Humphrey's rural home. We enjoyed his ebullient hosting and his witty words of greeting, but were all astonished when he said, 'President Johnson would like to meet with all governors regarding the war in Vietnam and is sending Air Force One to Minneapolis to transport you all to Washington, D.C.'

"We all scrambled to change travel arrangements. Nancy and our team returned to Seattle, while I boarded Air Force One with 43 other governors. On arrival we were ushered into the White House briefing room. No aides were allowed and the president was joined by only Secretary of State Dean Rusk, Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and the national security adviser.

"The Vietnam briefing began and as each Cabinet officer spoke, President Johnson fidgeted like a caged lion and finally burst from his chair, strode to the front of the room and took over the briefing. He exuded passion and power as he stalked back and forth, slamming his huge fist into the palm of his hand to emphasize his determination to win the war in Vietnam. He declared that 50,000 more American troops would finish the job. Governors left the meeting in support of the president. Only Mark Hatfield of Oregon opposed the war.

"During the next year, the first of our annual governors' federal-state meetings occurred and again we were invited to the White House for a presidential briefing. The president began by stating, 'I know Vietnam is on our minds. This is the greatest challenge which faces us in the world today. Today our wise and able Secretary of State Dean Rusk, our brilliant Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara, and Gen. Ellis Williamson, a combat commander who just returned from Vietnam, are all here to talk to you about that challenge in Vietnam. We will answer any questions that any of you may have.'

"The briefing was similar to 1965, but this time we were told that 150,000 troops could do the job. Gov. James Rhodes of Ohio, to the surprise of all, had drafted a resolution of support for the war and proposed it at the end of the briefing. Many governors had reservations about the war, but the unexpected resolution and presence of President Johnson stunned all to silence and the resolution carried unanimously.

"In 1967, we again gathered in Washington, D.C., for our midwinter governors' conference and another closed briefing on Vietnam. Again no aides were allowed with governors. As we waited to enter the briefing room, we heard a loud voice from the entry door. Gov. George Wallace of Alabama was a prominent national politician and preparing to run for president. He was barred by Alabama's constitution from running again for governor, so he urged his wife Lurleen to be a candidate. She won, but he intended to govern.

"Now, aides at the door allowed Gov. Lurleen Wallace to enter, but turned George away. He was furious and demanded entry. They said, 'Governors only,' and he finally left. We did not see him for the rest of the conference.

"Frustration over the war was evident in the briefings. This time we were told that 500,000 American troops would be needed to win the war. Governors were beginning to feel rising opposition to the war, especially on university campuses. It was an uncomfortable briefing, but no governor challenged the war effort.

"Once more in February 1968, governors trooped to the White House for another session on Vietnam. This time an obviously weary president said, 'All of us are trying our dead level best to find the answers to the war.' The formal briefing was held at the State Department where Dean Rusk pointed to posters set up in the front of the room detailing 36 ways we were trying to end the war. They were also debating calling up reserves to expand the war effort, but several governors objected since they faced rising unrest in major American cities. The president took little part in the briefing and as we walked out of the building, I said to Bob Ray, governor of Iowa, 'I don't think they know what to do next.' He replied, 'I don't either.'

"Thirty days later, a disconsolate and somber President Johnson addressed the nation and ended his address with the shocking words, 'I shall not seek, nor will I accept, the nomination of my party for another term as your president.' The Vietnam War destroyed his presidency and ended the expansion of his domestic Great Society."

Daniel J. Evans, former U.S. senator and governor of Washington, currently is writing his autobiography.

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